The Wretched of the Earth is a popular piece of political theory by Frantz Fanon on decolonization. Published in 1961 and based on Fanon’s experiences as a psychologist in Algeria, this book is a mound of information on the effects of colonialism and advice for developing nations.

The reader learns that decolonization will always involve violence, that the mass of a colonized country & their political parties face direct tension and opposition, how destructive the top 1% is to a nation, that culture is nation-specific, that national consciousness is a national culture, and the reader learns about the mental disorders with colonial war. This depiction of crumbling mental health under the hands of colonialism was honestly something I had never considered before reading this book. It’s important to think about the destruction that untreated mental health can bring, but, more specifically, the deteriorating population. I find that including the mental struggle in this narrative makes Fanon’s argument more complex, and truly humanizes the issue.

The book begins on the topic of violence. Fanon explicitly says decolonization is violent, as violence is not foreign to the colonizer. The colonizer seizes and maintains power through violence, bringing destructive force into the minds and homes of the colonized. This creates tension and disproportion between the colonized and the colonizer, to the point where it is embedded in the colonial world that their liberation is violent. Fanon also includes that the developing nation cannot support the capitalist West either because the West gains power through the struggle of developing countries. Overall, the independence of a nation and the destruction of colonialism is a violent struggle. Decolonization is a dangerous struggle in a nation, and it is a battle. Fanon devotes an entire section of this book to explaining that struggle, which I think is absolutely critical to the issue.

Fanon explains that the mass of a colonized country and its political parties do not work together. These political parties primarily address the wealthy of their cities instead of the rural regions. This is a grave issue because the population of these cities is only 1% of the area, and historically, the working class represents the edge of revolution. Therefore, the colonial power that exists post-independence creates blatant disproportion between the rural and urban populations. However, with this struggle and only violence, there is no revolution. Fanon reminds us that economic disparities can tear a country apart, and they have no place in the struggle for independence. The working class holds all of the power in a revolution, but powerless, they won’t achieve anything. I think that Fanon addressing severe economic disparity shows a distinct genius in this work, and really develops the idea of independence. Independence truly means to be self-reliant, and by establishing new hierarchies in young governments, inequality can rampage through the entire nation.

In the third part of the book, the reader learns how destructive that 1% of the nation is. This part of the population is meant to learn from its natives and uplift them. Instead, the 1%, steeped in incompetence, strays from this path and leaves the developing nation in a system of neocolonialism. The masses are still struggling under this ‘new rule’. Fanon describes how to avoid this and suggests decentralizing the political parties, having them led by the working class, actively fighting against oppression. Fanon definitely adds nuance to this book. In this section, he highlights how young governments can become “recolonized” by economic inequality. I think that this is critical to this debate, especially considering how the government and the economy work together in developing nations. By reestablishing hierarchy and division, there is no clear step towards decolonization, only further oppression.

Moving on, the next part of the book describes national culture. The reader learns that through colonialism’s insistence, Black people have no culture. In the fight for liberation, many colonized intellectuals fight for their right to be seen. However, Fanon states that because the Black community is so vast, there is no continental culture but a national one. The organized struggle to restore sovereignty is the most significant expression of culture there is. The highest form of culture is national consciousness, the one struggle the entire nation understands.

Surprisingly to none, colonial war comes with a psychological disease for the colonized people. Fanon tells of his experience in Algeria working as a psychiatrist, and it is brutal. He examines the use of torture, in addition to the cases he often sees, like anorexia, homicidal thoughts and actions, depression, insomnia, and anxiety that stem from French violence. He finds that the root of criminality in Algeria can be linked to the colonial war. This mental battle becomes a generational curse, and leads to wide scale destruction in every facet of society. The mental struggle of colonialism often goes overlooked, but this is a niche part of Fanon’s research.

In Fanon’s conclusion, he writes a call to action. He calls on every colonized subject in a developing nation not to look towards the West or Europe to build upon. He calls on every colonized subject to develop a “new way of thinking” to create a new society for the sake of humanity.

Aside from the analytical and unique perspective on decolonization in Africa, what stuck out to me the most were his ideas on the Black diaspora. Fanon assures every reader that Black people are not a monolith — something still widely believed today.

This community is vast. There are different languages, hemispheres, and cultures that all vary. Fanon makes this distinction in his work, and calls us to look inward towards our own society. Now, we can take this work and look towards the present. This piece of political theory is timeless and an important part of decolonization research.